Speakout is Truthout's treasure chest for bloggy, quirky, personally reflective, or especially activism-focused pieces. Speakout articles represent the perspectives of their authors, and not those of Truthout.
Trenton, NJ—Today the New Jersey State Assembly passed major bail reform legislation. The legislation has already passed in the State Senate and will now go to Governor Christie’s desk for consideration. The bail reform legislation is comprised of two pieces. The first is a resolution that would put a question on the ballot for voters to decide whether to amend the state constitution to allow the preventative detention of dangerous offenders (SCR128/ACR177). The second part is legislation that would implement the resolution and change the way New Jersey makes pretrial release decisions (S946/A1910). S946/A1910 would require risk assessments on higher level arrestees, mandate that release decisions be based on risk rather than resources, and encourage nonfinancial alternatives for release.
The reform was supported by a broad coalition of community, faith and criminal justice reform groups. Advocates successfully argued that using money bail as the primary mechanism for pretrial release results in a socially and fiscally irresponsible system in which dangerous individuals with economic resources are able to secure release, while others who pose no threat to public safety languish behind bars awaiting trial simply because they cannot afford often nominal bail amounts.
This past week the Arab American Institute (AAI) released its third biannual poll of American attitudes toward Arabs and Muslims. Conducted by Zogby Analytics, 1100 likely voters were surveyed nationwide. The results were deeply troubling.
What we found was that there has been a continued erosion in the favorable ratings Americans have of both Arabs and Muslims, posing a threat to the civil rights and political inclusion of both Arab Americans and American Muslims. For example, in 2010 favorable ratings for Arabs were 43 percent. They have now declined to 32 percent. For Muslims, the ratings dropped from 36 percent in 2010, to 27 percent in the 2014 survey.
Last week, here in Kabul, the Afghan Peace Volunteers welcomed activist Carmen Trotta, from New York, who has lived in close community with impoverished people in his city for the past 25 years, serving meals, sharing housing, and offering hospitality to the best of his ability. Put simply and in its own words, his community, founded by Dorothy Day, exists to practice “the works of mercy” and to “end the works of war.” We wanted to hear Carmen’s first impressions of traveling the streets of Kabul on his way from the airport to the working class neighborhood where he’ll be staying as the APVs’ welcome guest.
He said it was the first time he’d seen the streets of any city so crowded with people who have no work. Carmen had noticed men sitting in wheelbarrows, on curb sides, and along sidewalks, unemployed, some of them waiting for a day labor opportunity that might or might not come. Dr. Hakim, the APV’s mentor, quoted Carmen the relevant statistics: the CIA World Fact Book uses research from 2008 to put Afghanistan’s unemployment rate at 35 percent – just under the figure of 36 percent of Afghans living beneath the poverty level. That’s the CIA’s unemployment figure – Catherine James, writing in The Asian Review this past March, noted that “the Afghan Chamber of Commerce puts it at 40 percent, the World Bank measures it at 56 percent and Afghanistan’s labor leaders put it at a shocking 86 percent.”
Generational change performs an important role in American society by implementing change on social and political issues in the continuously evolving United States. The best example of this is the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the end of segregation in America. As new generations of young people entered college after World War II, many questioned the entrenched ideology of white racial superiority and the political solution provided by state sponsored segregation, and horrified at what they found, united to protest for change. An eclectic mixture of ethnicities joined to overturn centuries of morally corrupt white dominance, forcing the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government to follow suit. The following year, the Voting Rights Act halted state sponsored efforts to deny African Americans a place at the polls, and the United States finally achieved its promise of a democratic nation.
The effects of generational change on the individual's political and social life in 2014 abound as more states act to provide support for same-sex marriage and the legalization of cannabis sales and use. As young Americans enter the political fray at the state and national level, their attitudes reflect a greater tolerance for issues conservatives find intolerable. Both of these movements find overwhelming support at the local level, but national politics are catching up as generational change makes its way into the legislative and executive branches of government. For the most part, generational change is positive and continues to move the country in a progressive direction, but the single branch of government resistant to generational change is the judicial branch.
What kind of country do we now inhabit? Where I live, a small city of 60,000, there is absolutely nothing reminiscent of the world I once knew. This town is one of boxstores, strip malls, third rate mass transit (duh, like hardly any), and subdivisions where few even know one another, let alone socialize that much. Even the suburbia of my youth offered more than this… yet they tell us we have evolved in this 21st century whereupon Wal-Mart has become the new city market!
I'm a dinosaur from the village of Avenue U in the city of Brooklyn (called borough despite its population of nearly three million). Got that? Now I realize this doesn't make sense to anyone who never lived in such a place. A village in such an urban environment? What gives? You see, we dinosaurs roamed around in a much more viable and practical place than you do now in this Amerika in the Age of Empire. Avenue U, circa 1960s, was in fact just like a village. I could walk around the corner and shop for almost everything my family needed. We had the produce store, butcher shop, German deli (with those great wood barrel sour dill pickles ), Italian bakery ( where they referred to loaves of bread as fish: "Let me have two large fish with no"), luncheonette (where you could get a Lime Rickey or Egg Cream - that's for another column), pizza parlor (as they were called then), pharmacy (they delivered till closing at 9 p.m.), dry cleaner, shoe repair (yeah, they had one in every village), men's tailor and ladies dress shops, leather goods shop… need I go on? We had it all, right there within the radius of a few blocks. You wanted Chinese food, right in walking distance. Ditto for Italian food, or a Jewish deli (with hot dogs on par with Nathans from Coney Island). Here's the nostalgic irony: Travel less than 10 minutes by car or bus and you would be in another village just like mine! They were all over Brooklyn!
What is a Catholic Worker?
The Catholic Worker, in an act of protest against The Church, was originally a newspaper speaking on issues of human rights and civil liberties. Dorothy Day then began housing and feeding the homeless from two houses in Manhattan called Maryhouse and St. Joseph's. Maryhouse serves a full lunch to women four days a week, provides showers and opens its clothing room all within two hours, four days a week. Saint Joseph's serves soup in the morning, closes for lunch and opens its doors for another two hours in the afternoon to offer clothing, five days a week. In addition, each house houses about 20 residents and volunteers. The CW has never been recognized by The Church, does not pay war taxes, is not subsidized by government funds, is fully funded by private donations, and still publishes its newspaper today at one cent per copy. 100,000 copies are circulated each month. Today, there are over 300 Catholic Worker homes and farms globally.
In February of 2014, still having been new to the city, I moved from Brooklyn into a Catholic Worker house located in the east village of Manhattan. Once a neighborhood where the "Bowery bums" inhabited, it is now home to Philip Glass and other 20- to mid 30-year olds here to "make it." I began helping serve lunch in the mornings and quickly started cooking meals for about fifty people on my own. I also took shifts in the evening until 10 p.m. Like many who chose to live at Catholic Worker, I wanted to find my place in the world. Like many Catholic Workers, I am too gentle to live among wolves. This would be where I could live with idealists who despise war, continue my work on closing Guantanamo Bay Prison, take care of others, and not become apathetic. I know this because I’ve spent the past five years with Catholic Workers, coming from Witness Against Torture. And like many Catholic Workers, I found myself asking, "What am I doing here?
In the 1970s and 1980s, at the height of Nigeria’s post-oil-discovery wealth and power, Nigerians could walk the streets of the major northern cities of Kaduna, Jos, Kano and Maiduguri without a concern, unhurried and unharmed. Today, public spaces, from churches to restaurants and cafes in these cities send very real frissons of fear down the spines of everyday people, a fear unalleviated by the decidedly ineffective security apparatus. As Wanjohi Kabukuru, a veteran Kenyan journalist writing for New African Magazine puts it, “these cities have lost their innocence.” Thanks to Boko Haram, a militant group terrorizing Nigeria’s Northeastern region, some cities seem to have lost their innocence forever. As Nigerian’s grow weary of military intervention and other violent options in countering the suffering caused by Boko Haram, local peacebuilding groups are emerging as far more efficient in this regard – tackling structural issues like poverty and illiteracy to reduce the allure of groups like Boko Haram.
Records show that since 2009, Boko Haram has been orchestrating a vicious circle of violence in the Northeast; violence that has led to the death of more than 3,000 people. The abduction of 276 female students from Chibok Government Girls Secondary School on April 14, 2014 represents the morally-lowest height, thus far, of its “achievements.” As Cameron Duodu of New African Magazine noted, the “night Chibok’s name entered world history is not one that any of the abducted girls or any of their close relatives will ever want to remember.”
Syracuse July 31, 2014 After two hours of deliberation,Vietnam Veteran and Buffalonian Russell Brown, was acquitted tonight by a six person jury in the DeWitt town court, East Syracuse in Upstate New York. Brown faced charges of Obstruction of Governmental Administration (OGA), a misdemeanor carrying up to a year incarceration and up to $1000 fine, as well as Disorderly Conduct charge, a violation. Mr. Brown who went before the court Pro Se (he served as his own counsel) was assisted by Buffalo Attorneys Daire Irwin and Paul Fallon.
Mr. Brown was arrested during a nonviolent protest at Hancock Air National Guard Base, home of the 174th Attack Wing, on April 28, 2013. In a roadway (blocked off by police) across from the base, he lay down to symbolize the death of drone victims. There are twice-monthly demonstrations at Hancock Airbase. On at least six occasions there have been arrests, leading to six trials since 2011. Currently there are 20 activists, working with Upstate Drone Action, facing jury trials in the DeWitt town court.
The US atomic destruction of 140,000 people at Hiroshima and 70,000 at Nagasaki was never “necessary” because Japan was already smashed, no land invasion was needed and Japan was suing for peace. The official myth that “the bombs saved lives” by hurrying Japan’s surrender can no longer be believed except by those who love to be fooled. The long-standing fiction has been destroyed by the historical record kept in US, Soviet, Japanese and British archives - now mostly declassified - and detailed by Ward Wilson in his book “Five Myths about Nuclear Weapons” (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2013).
Greg Mitchel’s “Atomic Cover-Up” (Sinclair Books, 2011) also helps explain the durability of the “saved lives” ruse. Wartime and occupation censors seized all films and still photos of the two atomic cities, and the US government kept them hidden for decades. Even in 1968, newsreel footage from Hiroshima held in the National Archives was stamped, “SECRET, Not To Be Released Without the Approval of the DOD.” Photos of the atomized cities that did reach the public merely showed burned buildings or mushroom clouds - rarely human victims.
It is the 13th day of the Israeli aggression on the Gaza strip, the 20th of July to be exact. The time meter might have stopped, but the death meter is still claiming more and more martyrs.
A single room not wider than 4 meters hosts 17 individuals, 4 of whom are children. It is somewhat the safest at home and does not overlook the street. No power; no water; no security.