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On October 9, I was in the Nevada desert with Catholic Workers from around the world for an action of prayer and nonviolent resistance at what is now called the Nevada National Security Site, the test site where between 1951 and 1992, nine hundred and twenty-eight documented atmospheric and underground nuclear tests occurred. Since the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and the apparent end of the Cold War, The National Nuclear Security Administration, NNSA, has maintained the site, circumventing the intent of the treaty with a stated "mission to maintain the stockpile without explosive underground nuclear testing."
Like many Americans, I was left with a heavy heart after the election. While the outcome was shocking, much of the heaviness came from observing the whole election cycle. The outcome was just the icing on the cake of the most irrational presidential race in recent history. This election convinced me that we need to focus our efforts on dealing with the worst problem in US politics -- irrationality. Rationality refers to the ability to assess reality accurately and thereby make wise decisions to reach one's goals.
On the border of the Standing Rock Sioux Native American reservation in North Dakota, people have gathered from all over the world to stop the Dakota Access pipeline. If completed, the pipeline will transport roughly 500,000 barrels of crude oil from North Dakota's Bakken oil field to Illinois, traversing over sacred burial sites and threatening the tribe's drinking water sources. The future operator of the pipeline, Sunoco Logistics, tops US charts for crude oil spills, according to a Reuters investigation. The Standing Rock Sioux's struggle to stop the pipeline has transformed into a global environmental and Indigenous rights movement.
I'm angered, exhausted and drained. As a formerly undocumented but now a US Citizen, Mexican-American queer woman. However, I'm young, and I know that for others this fight for dignity has been for much longer and that for some it has only just begun. I'm also afraid. But I'm not willing to let someone think that they have the right to dehumanize me by removing my rights as a human. Now more than ever, I am willing to fight. I understand it's easier to be said than to be done because there is some risk into it.
The Port Huron Statement was written as the Black Freedom Movement rose up. Tom Hayden had the vision to help write that document in 1962, which became a spark, an igniter of the new left, the white left, the radical student and youth movements. "We are," he wrote, "people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort … looking uneasily at the world we inherit." I'm still looking, more uneasily than ever, at the world we -- our children and grandchildren -- inherit.
Recently, when asked about whether he felt connected to the Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM), prominent African-American rapper Lil Wayne stated, in essence, that he did not feel connected to the movement at all and that it had nothing to do with him. Though he did notexplicitly disparage the movement itself, many conservative critics of BLM have leaned on this interview in much the same way as the white bar hoped to lean on Thurgood Marshall in the early part of the 20th century: they hope Lil Wayne -- a person who, in their view, is representative -- will help convince the skeptical Black community that "the legal system treat[s] them fairly."
Even before a Clinton concession speech, Pharma stocks were hopping and Wall Street saluting over a Trump administration. No pesky price regulation over drugs like EpiPen! No pesky safety regulation over blood thinning drugs like drug Xarelto, linked to 500 deaths. No speed bumps when Pfizer et al seeks to dodge US taxes by incorporating overseas -- the same taxes that fund their drugs in Medicare, TRICARE and other US programs.
As I observe the fractious political debate consuming the Republican Party I can't help but try to place the clash in historical context. Of course there are many examples in the development of the American party system when there were seismic shifts when parties split and evolved in new directions. The Federalist Party self-destructing in the aftermath of the War of 1812 and the eventual split in the Jeffersonian Republicans into the National Republicans of John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay on one side and the Democratic Republicans of Andrew Jackson on the other.
Here in Russia, where I have been traveling as part of a small delegation organized by Voices for Creative Nonviolence, the people with whom we have spoken have no illusions about war and its effects. "We remember what war is like," Nikolay, a scientist and businessman, told us. "We have a genetic memory," referring to close relatives -- parents, grandparents -- who passed on their experience of the Great Purge and/or the siege of Leningrad, when nearly a million Russians died of starvation and disease because Germany cut off all imports and exports.
Yesterday, November 10, was the birthday of the US Marine Corps. Today is Veteran's Day. These back-to-back days are filling me with mixed emotions. On the one hand, there is a sense of pride and a continuing sense of loyalty to the Corps. On the other hand, there is the knowledge that the Marine Corps mostly works for the corporations and always has, just like the National Guard is now working for Energy Transfer Partners here at Standing Rock. General Smedley Butler, the late Marine Corps Commandant and two-time congressional medal of honor winner, documents this in his book War is a Racket.